PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
THE returns which have been furnished to the House of Commons, on the motion of Mr. BAINES, in order to show the effect of reducing the qualification in the present Parliamentary boroughs, contain nothing whatever to cause alarm, and nothing to modify the opinions which were previously entertained on the more general questions which the prospect of a Reform Bill suggests. The details as to particular boroughs are curious, and often not such as any one, unless intimately acquainted with the locality, could have anticipated. But the broader results leave us where we were, or, if they have any effect, tend to show that the reduction of the qualification from 10l. to 6l. would have less effect than was supposed. The three principal deductions from these returns are, that this alteration would increase the existing total electoral body of England and Wales by rather less than one half, that the increase would be felt with much the greatest force in a certain number of large towns, and that a mere reduction of the qualification would make scarcely any difference in the little boroughs. This leaves us very much where we were. A great many large towns, where the artisans chiefly reside whose exclusion from the franchise is a main ground of the new Reform Bill, will have constituencies so much enlarged that these artisans will almost all have votes; and thus a main object of Reform will be answered by a reduction of the qualification. On the other hand, the character of the small boroughs will not be changed, and therefore a redistribution of seats is quite as obviously necessary as it ever was. The small boroughs would indeed be, if possible, made worse by a mere reduction of the qualification, for it would add a fraction to the electoral list too small to introduce new interests or opinions and composed of men still more open to beer, bribery and bullying than the present electors. These returns make it indisputable that a mere reduction of the franchise would be only half a measure. The constituency of Liverpool would be raised from 40,000 to 60,000, that of Birmingham from under 20,000 to over 40,000, that of Manchester from 27,000 to 47,000, that of Sheffield from 10,000 to 25,000, that of Bradford from 6,000 to 13,000, and that of Portsmouth about as much, while Oldham would have 10,000 instead of 3,000 voters. But it would only be some large boroughs that would have a greatly increased constituency. In Marylebone, Finsbury, Westminster, the City, Greenwich, Brighton, Norwich, Devonport, Plymouth, Birkenhead, Southampton, Bath, there would be scarcely any increase at all. There would be a large increase in the total electoral body, but the increase would only affect a comparatively few places. Practically, the large towns of the North would, to a great extent, be under the control of persons working for weekly wages; but persons working at weekly wages would not control a large number of the constituencies.
This appears to us a good and satisfactory result. It would be arrived at by a sort of haphazard. There is no principle or fairness or symmetry in applying to all boroughs a system of reduction which affects different boroughs so differently. But this accidental consequence is by no means a bad one. The constituencies which the opinions of artisans, supposing them to have any unanimity of opinion, will influence will be tolerably numerous and very important, but they will not be a very large proportion of the whole aggregate of boroughs. The creation of a lodger franchise might make a difference which, without statistics, it is difficult to appreciate; and until we have those statistics it is not worth while to indulge in vague speculation We have nothing at present to go by but these returns of a 6l. as compared with a 10l. rental qualification; and they show that the reduction would, on the whole, effect considerable political object in a manner that would be not unsafe and not inadequate, although very accidental and unscientific. No impartial person who set out with the wish to admit a large body of working-men in towns to the franchise, but not to allow them to be the predominant class in the whole electoral body, can deny that the result is shown by these returns to be attainable more or less satisfactorily by the reduction of the rental qualification to 6l., 'There are many constituencies which would be accidentally affected more than in fairness to them, according to their place on the scale of constituencies, is theoretically desirable. Dudley and Derby, for example, come one after the other in the list, and each has a population somewhat over 40,000; and yet, while in round numbers one thousand would be added to the constituency of Derby, two thousand would be added to that of Dudley. There is no defending this; there is no reason or principle or method in it. But as no one has got a methodical sensible scheme that can be applied to the whole country, and is comprehensible, it is worth remarking that the apparent results of so indefensible and unmethodical a system as a mere reduction of the rental qualification promise to give us very much what we want, so far as the admission of a large, but not overwhelming, body of the working-classes is the measure of our wants.
It is very remarkable how absolutely a reduction of the qualification to 6l. would fail to correct any of the abuses of the smaller boroughs. The addition to the electoral roll would be in most instances exceedingly slight, and only a very slight knowledge of the social structure of small towns in agricultural districts is needed to prove that this slight addition would be of a very bad quality. Let us take a few instances. Petersfield has 350 electors now; with a 6l. rental qualification it would have 423; Calne has 190, and would have 286; Tewkesbury has 413, and would have 532; Honiton has 254, and would have 323; Totnes has 516, and would have 589. Such boroughs would obviously retain exactly their present character, and the only difference would be that a small additional fraction would be actively demoralized, instead of being, as at present, merely passively demoralized by the sight of the profitable iniquities on which the ten-pound householders thrive. If 400 of 450 tiny country shopkeepers are bribed or bullied, to add fifty or sixty still tinier shopkeepers of labourers to the list cannot purify or improve the constituency. But it would improve the constituency very much if four or five neighbouring small towns were admitted to share the franchise. The gain would not be that any provision would thus be made for the representation of working-men. To effect this is not the object of increasing the area of small constituencies. If in each of four small towns all, or almost all, the electors were in a rank not below that of small shopkeepers, the class of persons represented would not be altered by throwing the four towns into one constituency. A constituency of four small towns would be a constituency of small shopkeepers, but it would be a better constituency of small shopkeepers than any of the component towns taken singly could be. For, in the first place, the aggregate of towns would represent a large variety of interests; and, secondly, each town would keep a watch and act as a check on the others. Sometimes a great owner of property might have influence in all these towns, but that could not happen always, and even when it did happen there would be certain to be in some town a sufficient minority to make the great man exercise his influence in a way that was not wholly disreputable. There would also be less bribery, for it is more difficult to carry on the secret organization which bribery requires in many places than it is in one. And there would probably be more decency and order at the time of election. County elections are generally much more orderly than borough elections, because, the votes being given at many places, at a considerable distance from each other, there is far less excitement at each place, and far less temptation to effect a ????? electioneering coup de main towards the close of the poll by hustling and trampling down timid and invalid electors. The great national gain to be derived from putting an end to the more flagrant scandals of electicns in small boroughs—scandals to the disgrace of which nothing but inveterate habit and old practice could reconcile honourable men—ought to induce any Ministry that was worthy of its position to insist on the enlargement of the area of small constituencies as an indispensable part of the Reform Bill, even if the proposal were likely to encounter a serious opposition. But there is no reason to suppose that the opposition it would encounter would be more serious than is certain to be offered to every part of a Reform Bill that is worth the trouble of carrying. The Conservatives have no more to lose by the improvement of small constituencies than the Whigs have; and all that they can reasonably ask is that a Whig Ministry shall not so arrange the grouping of towns as to favour their own party unfairly. It is obvious that, if they wished or dared to be unfair, those who had the arrangement of the grouping might easily group towns so as to make things a great deal too pleasant for themselves and their friends.
The same remark may be applied to the redistribution of seats, which is a necessary part of a satisfactory measure of Reform. However much the smaller boroughs may be otherwise reformed, they will still hold too much power in their hands. The number of constituencies from which workingmen will be practically excluded will be so large, and the inequalities in the weight and size of constituencies will be so great, that a new arrangement of seats will be inevitable. But it is essential that the new arrangement should be made on intelligible principles fairly applied. That some of the great Northern towns should have an additional member, and that a member should be given to some Northern towns which are at present without a representative, is beyond dispute; but then it is also obvious that there are other large constituencies which have a good claim for more seats. Unfortunately, no one has moved for a return showing how far a reduction of the franchise would affect the county constituencies. But if it is true that the county qualification is to be reduced to 15l., the number of voters in some counties will be enormous. There will be no argument to oppose to the claim of these immense constituencies for more representatives, except that the seats to be allotted are very few. But it will be unfair that the claims of the Northern towns should be all attended to first, and that then the counties should be put off with the excuse that everything has been given away. An enlargement of the numbers of the House, which is recommended by the necessity of more members to get through the private business, is also recommended by the consideration that the consequent increase in the number of new seats to be allotted would ensure the claims of the counties being properly cared for. Every one, except a few fanatics or intriguers, wishes that the Reform Bill of this Session, if passed at all, should be calculated to set the whole subject at rest for many years to come; and this can scarcely be attained if the counties receive less than they can justly ask. In a very short time we shall know what is the nature of the Government scheme; but we hope that on all leading points it will be clear and decisive, that it will treat the various parts of Reform as forming one inseparable whole, that it will show no signs of hesitation in admitting to the franchise large bodies of working-men, that it will improve the small boroughs by extending their area, that it will include a rearrangement of seats on a sufficient scale, aud that in this rearrangement it will do justice to the claims of the counties. If it does all this, the Ministers who propose it may stand or fall according to its success; but at any rate they will fall, if they do fall, without discredit to themselves or their party.